
Remember HSA? Hayel Saeed Anam? The parent-group name that sits behind Cepac while Cepac plays the wholesome UK packaging monk. If you do not recognise it, that is the point. This is how reputations get laundered in daylight. A nice British front end, a distant parent, and a supply chain nobody wants to stare at for too long.
The UK Face They Want You To See
Cepac sells “performance packaging” from four UK sites and wraps itself in the usual corporate incense. People. Values. Sustainability. Community. You know the script. The kind of company that makes your procurement team feel like good people for buying cardboard.
It is a neat little English story. Rotherham, Darlington, Rawcliffe, Doncaster. Clean photos. Clean language. Clean conscience.
Then you read their own line: Cepac is “part of the HSA group”.
That is not my claim. That is theirs.
The Parent They Do Not Want You To Google
HSA’s own corporate site lists Cepac as one of its companies. So we are not doing detective cosplay here. It is the corporate family photo, framed and hung by the family.
So every UK customer has a choice. Do you keep buying boxes and pretending the parent-group context is none of your business? Or do you do the adult thing and ask why a UK brand works so hard to look local while the ownership sits in a world where money, ports, and war-economy gatekeepers chew the weak into paste?
The $423m Allegation That Changes The Mood
Here is the bit from your uploaded transcript that should make any UK customer flinch.
A UN Security Council Panel of Experts report on Yemen, S/2021/79, described a scheme in which $423 million was allegedly illegally transferred through a mechanism linked to essential imports. The same reporting states the panel said 48% of that amount was received by the Hayel Saeed Anam Group.
Forty eight per cent of $423m is about $203m.
That is not pocket change. That is not “admin error”. That is the sort of number that makes “ethical sourcing” posters curl up and die.
It is an allegation, yes. But it is not a rumour. It is UN-level paperwork. The kind of claim that does not appear unless somebody believes they can justify it on the record.
The Walk-Back That Does Not Make It Go Away
Now the correction, because we do not play games with facts.
After publication, UN sanctions monitors pulled back from parts of the corruption and money-laundering framing in that report pending review. The panel coordinator wrote that a preliminary review had not demonstrated evidence of corruption, money laundering, or elite capture as stated, and that the related references should be disregarded pending final assessment.
Good. Put it in the daylight.
But do not get cute and pretend this is a magic eraser. “Disregard pending assessment” is not “all clear”. It is a retreat from specific wording, not a time machine. The allegation landed. The number landed. The stain landed.
In reputational terms, that is still a body on the floor. Someone just came back with a mop.
Ras Issa: A Formal Complaint and a Confidential Settlement
Then there is the World Bank Group accountability trail.
CAO, the IFC and MIGA Compliance Advisor Ombudsman, handled a complaint raising environmental and social concerns relating to operations of the Yemen Company for Sugar Refining in Ras Issa, Hodaida. CAO describes that company as one of the manufacturing businesses of the HSA Group in Yemen.
CAO’s conclusion report states the parties reached and signed an agreement on 11 November 2022. It also states the details were kept confidential and CAO did not publish the agreement.
Confidential settlement does not automatically equal guilt. Sometimes it is a pragmatic end to a noisy problem.
But if your UK brand voice is “integrity” and “we do the right thing”, secrecy is not a cute accessory. It is a red flag with a smile stuck on it.
Hudaydah: Where “Neutral” Becomes a Business Model
People keep trying to force this into a toddler question. Are they pro-Houthi? Are they anti-Houthi? Are they anti-West?
That is the wrong fight.
The UN describes Hudaydah as a Houthi-controlled port city through which the majority of Yemen’s imports and vital aid shipments pass. In that kind of landscape, you do not need to shout slogans to be entangled. You just need to keep moving goods through the gate.
Neutrality in a war economy is not a moral stance. It is a pricing strategy.
The Bank Squeeze That Shows Who Holds The Gate
If you want a practical example of what gatekeeping looks like, look at reporting around Tadhamon International Islamic Bank.
Arab News reported that the Houthi-controlled central bank in Sanaa told local banks and exchange firms to freeze funds and assets of Tadhamon, describing it as owned by the Hayel Saeed Anam Group. Asharq Al-Awsat reported the Houthis stormed and shut the bank’s headquarters and branches and described it as majority owned by Hayel Saeed Anam.
That is not ideology. That is pressure. Control. A reminder that if you do business in a controlled corridor, the controller can put a boot on your throat whenever it suits them.
My Case: The UK Playbook, Same Smell
Now bring it back to the UK. This is where the glossy Cepac voice meets the legal reality.
In my own dispute, the defence posture is pure corporate cuntcraft. Deny. Minimise. Reframe. If the facts will not cooperate, you do not fix the facts. You attack the person saying them. You slap the “conduct” label on it like it is a magic spell. You imply the disabled claimant is unstable, difficult, unreasonable, whatever word helps you sleep at night. You treat documentary evidence like a vibe and the truth like an optional extra.
I call it lying. They call it a “robust defence. I call that polite language for weaponised bullshit.
Unboxed
So no, this is not about proving which flag a parent group salutes. It is about whether UK businesses are comfortable buying a clean cardboard story from a corporate family that has been named in UN-level controversy around essential imports, has a World Bank accountability case ending in a confidential settlement, and operates in a war-economy environment where gatekeepers squeeze banks and businesses like stress balls.
If your procurement team still thinks this is “just boxes”, why? Because it is easier? Because it is comfortable? Because nobody wants to admit their supply chain might stink?
Keep buying the lie if you want.
I am not.
Lee Thompson – Founder, The Cummins Accountability Project
Sources
- https://www.cepac.co.uk/cepac-group/
- https://www.cepac.co.uk/contact-us
- https://hsagroup.com/explore-hsa-business/our-companies/industrial-companies/cepac.aspx
- https://reliefweb.int/report/yemen/final-report-panel-experts-yemen-s202179-enar
- https://kitchener.citynews.ca/2021/03/29/un-experts-pull-back-on-corruption-claims-against-yemen/
- https://www.cao-ombudsman.org/cases/yemen-hsa-foods-01ras-isa
- https://www.cao-ombudsman.org/sites/default/files/downloads/CAO%20Conclusion%20Report_Yemen%20HSA_August%202023_EN%20%282%29.pdf
- https://www.ungeneva.org/en/news-media/news/2025/07/108454/yemen-security-council-extends-un-mission-crucial-port-city-amid
- https://www.arabnews.com/node/1885571/middle-east
- https://english.aawsat.com/home/article/2624511/houthis-force-closure-major-bank-yemen-25-its-branches
